Choosing a starting point for this story is difficult, with dates ranging from the arrival of the Ottomans in Cyprus in 1570 to the start of the Greek Cypriot War of Independence in 1955. For brevity, I will choose the latter. After just over 70 years of British rule, a small militia group named EOKA started an insurgency with the stated goals of removing the British from the island and joining Cyprus to Greece. Though this eventually occurred, the nascent Cypriot government was paralyzed by infighting between Greek and Turk Cypriots vetoing each other’s political decisions. To make matters worse, a rising level of inter-communal violence was encouraged by far-right paramilitary groups.
After 1963, the Turkish Cypriots shut themselves off into ghettos and enclaves across the island, creating the first nominal separation of the two communities supervised by the UN. Problems continued until 1974, when a Greek-led coup overthrew the Cypriot government in Nicosia, giving Turkey a carte blanche to invade the island whilst the British stood by and protected their interests on Cyprus. Therefore, all three guarantor powers who pledged to protect the integrity of the Republic of Cyprus failed to do so. Population exchanges occurred, displacing thousands of people from their homes across the island. Despite this traumatic event for the local population, internationally Cyprus ceased to be a hot zone and was therefore swiftly swept under the carpet. Apart from a couple of border problems over the years, the frontier has remained quiet under the watchful eye of the UN peacekeeping force, and the mutual fear held by the young men who man the posts along the 180 KM ‘Green Line’.
As a result, the international community has forgotten about the political situation in this tiny EU member state. However, this supposed peace is all a façade. Both sides are suspicious of each other for past atrocities that occurred during the first years of the Republic of Cyprus, with countless stories being passed down over the generations of the killings that occurred. These hard feelings are difficult to dissipate, and they are always boiling under the surface. Mistrust always arises when Turkey is mentioned, and this has become second nature to many Greek Cypriots, including many who have never known a bi-communal society.
However, this picture of constant communal strife is not compatible with the fact that Greek and Turkish Cypriots had lived and worked together peacefully for centuries prior to the problems in the 60s and 70s. Therefore, it is a conflict that cannot be merely reduced to an ethnic or even religious one. The Greek Cypriots do not have a problem with Turkish Cypriots; they often stress the kinship that exists between the two communities and it is a false perception. The potential of Turkish hegemony over the island is what the real issue is for Greek Cypriots.
This phenomenon is perhaps best seen in the rejection of the Annan Plan in 2004. The Greek Cypriots were widely castigated for their overwhelming decision to vote ‘No’ on the referendum, making them seem selfish and unwilling to solve the problem. However, the Greek Cypriots were put in such a difficult position by the Annan plan that a positive decision was not feasible. Out of the many grievances that the 70 percent of Greek Cypriots had of the solution, the most striking are as follows. Firstly, the new constitution would have called for a weak federal government presided over a supreme court that could override any decision made by the legislature or executive. This body would have contained 3 non-Cypriots who would have effectively decided internal issues regarding Cypriots, which would only create strife between rival factions in both Turkish and Greek wings of government. This would only perpetuate the problems that plagued the Cypriot constitution of 1960, which led to separation of the two communities in the first place. Secondly, the agreement would have dissolved the Cypriot National Guard immediately after the referendum, with the Turkish military only withdrawing in a piecemeal fashion over many years. Furthermore, the Turks would retain the right of invasion, which would have paralyzed the Greek Cypriot community with fear. In the end, this is what the rejection vote boiled down to; Greek Cypriots fearing the ultimate dissolution of their republic without any tangible promises that Turkey would not try to exercise power over the island by force in order to secure Cyprus within its sphere of influence.
The Cyprus problem is always on the minds of many Cypriots, so much so that is has become a defining aspect of our identity. Every year the television, radio and print media commemorate the invasion with endless documentaries and live coverage of speeches and events held by refugee communities in the South. In the North, the Turkish community fervently celebrates its de facto independence. All this of course does not allow the new generation to exorcise the demons of the past, with the effect of keeping old wounds open after 40 years of hurt.
No solution will be found unless a concerted effort by the international community, including the UN and the EU, pushes the parties involved from their comfort zones into constructive talks. It also involves both communities to make real concessions in order to placate each other’s fears. For example, from a Greek Cypriot stance, this would include the permanent withdrawal of the Turkish military from the island. Unless this occurs, Cyprus will be stuck at an impasse, with the effect of potentially jeopardizing Turkey’s bid to enter the European Union, which in turn has much larger geopolitical consequences.
Posted on August 12, 2010
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