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The dangers of inflaming Chinese nationalism

 

Zhang Quanyi

 

The international community is putting the squeeze on China ahead of the Games. But if the full fervour of Chinese nationalism is inflamed, the consequences might be disastrous: not a good thing for a state with mighty military power.

 


 

China is now facing a major challenge from within and without the country, in the wake of [the recent] Tibetan riots, which began in Lhasa and spread to different counties of Tibet as well as parts of Gansu and Sichuan provinces that are inhabited primarily by Tibetans. According to China's official Xinhua news agency, numerous shops, banks, malls, government offices and even police offices in different areas were either robbed, burned or destroyed by Tibetan mobs.


In addition to dealing with this internal situation, China has had to face waves of international criticism over its crackdown on the Tibetan uprising. This has been most apparent in the protests that have disrupted the Olympic torch relay, especially in Europe and the United States.

Within China, reports of these protests have been met with anger and dismay, inflaming a corresponding wave of Chinese nationalism. The increase of anti-China sentiment in the West ahead of the Beijing Olympic Games could have disastrous results if efforts are not made to calm the situation ahead of the Summer Games.

The Tibetan protests and subsequent crackdown on monks and others no doubt tarnished the image of China. The fact that this has led to attacks on the Beijing Olympics has been a blow to the Chinese, who had hoped to take advantage of the Olympic Games to promote their image and their "soft power" around the world.

Big countries like the United States, France and Britain have expressed great concern over China's management of Tibetan affairs. In response, the Chinese government has accused Western media of intentionally tarnishing China's image by publishing false reports about the events in Tibet, including mistakenly identifying scenes of police battling with protesters in Nepal as taking place in Lhasa. Some media have even compared China's hosting of the Olympics to that of the Nazi regime under Adolf Hitler, when Germany held the Olympics in 1936.

Even at the torch-lighting ceremony held in Greece, the birthplace of the ancient Olympic Games, protestors showed up to interfere as Beijing official envoys were receiving the torch. A similar unhappy incident occurred in Istanbul, Turkey, and things only got worse after that, with protests in London and Paris leading to the dousing of the flame twice.

A few Tibetans and Muslim Uyghurs from the Chinese province of Xinjiang have been involved in attempts to disrupt the torch relay. The Chinese government has blamed both groups of trying to undermine the Beijing Olympics. It has also blamed the Dalai Lama and supporters of Tibet's independence based in India of organizing the protests both inside and outside China.

Western leaders have been aggressive in adding oil to the fire. French President Nikolas Sarkozy warned he might boycott the opening ceremony of the Beijing Olympic Games, and German Chancellor Angela Merkel also said she would not attend. U.S. Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi even said the International Olympic Committee had made a mistake in awarding the 2008 Summer Olympics to China. On April 9, the U.S. House passed a resolution criticizing China over "repression" in Tibet. China expressed strong indignation over this, saying it would encourage pro-independence forces.

In contrast to the negativity swirling around the Olympics outside of China, within the country the people still hold a passionate and romantic view of the Games. As the Olympic opening day approaches, Chinese aspirations for the event to be a great success grow ever more intense.

Hosting the Games successfully is the long-cherished dream of the whole Chinese nation. People ranging from the bottom individual to the top state institutions have already spent tremendous energy in preparing for the event. Even overseas Chinese are proudly anticipating China's success at holding the modern Olympic Games.

The Chinese also take it for granted that the success of this event will play a role in spiritually or symbolically erasing their country's designation as the "sick man of Asia," a term given to China by Western colonialists in the late 1800s.

The 2008 Beijing Olympic Games in fact was China's second bid for the Games. China had wanted to host the 2000 Summer Olympics, and put tremendous effort into its bid at that time.

In fact, the whole nation had taken it for granted that China would be successful. Unfortunately China lost by only two votes and Sydney, Australia became the host city.

This failure cast the whole nation into a feeling of dismay, if not shame. The nation had a similar experience during the long process of its application to join the World Trade Organization in the late 1990s. When China was declared unsuccessful in its bid, the Chinese people felt a great loss of face and a deep disappointment. These failures resulted in a series of anti-U.S. movements, as the Chinese began to grow suspicious about U.S. motives in seeking to contain China's rise or economic take-off.

When the U.S.-led NATO "unintentionally" bombed the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade in 1999, and in 2001 a U.S. EP-3 surveillance plane collided with a Chinese fighter, killing Chinese pilot Wang Wei, the fire of Chinese nationalism and anti-Americanism flared to levels that were temporarily uncontrollable and unpredictable. The U.S. Embassy and Consulates in China were surrounded by excited Chinese people, who attacked them by throwing eggs and rocks and even setting fires.

The Chinese people have looked forward to the Olympic Games with intense anticipation. Their success will be the realization of a sweet dream for the whole nation. If their dream is shattered, it will make China lose face and deeply pain the Chinese people.

If the full fervor of Chinese nationalism is inflamed, the consequences might be disastrous. If the Games are ruined, the nation might feel compelled to take some sort of retaliatory action against the international community in order to release the pent-up anger of the people. China's cooperative attitude in the international arena could shift, so that rather than a mere breaker of international norms, China could become a wild card. This is not a good thing for a state with mighty military power.
 

First published in Asia Online. Republished with kind permission from the author. ©Copyright Zhang Quanyi.

 
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