Interview

 
 

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“The greatest political miracle since time began”

An interview with Robert Cooper, EU Director-General for External and Politico-Military Affairs.

 

Jacob Halpin

 


 

A British scholar-diplomat, Robert Cooper assumed his role at the European Council in 2002, where he is responsible to Javier Solana, the European Union’s Foreign and Security Policy chief. In 2003, to critical acclaim, he published The Breaking of Nations, winning the Orwell Prize for Political Writing in the process.

 

In his spacious office in the towering, glass-fronted building of the Council of the European Union, I found Mr Cooper to be a refreshingly passionate advocate of the EU, and a little frustrated at the lack of appreciation the body sometimes receives from its citizens.

 

So why is it that Mr Cooper holds the European system in such high esteem when some characterise it more as a meddling bureaucracy than a set of institutions worthy of admiration? An answer can be found in the uniquely progressive position which Mr Cooper assigns to Europe in his shrewd analysis of contemporary international relations.

 

The Cooper thesis describes a world order consisting of three distinct elements, which he classes as the pre-modern, the modern, and the post-modern. The modern encompasses the classical balance-of-power system, where state sovereignty is key and a separation of domestic and foreign policies exists.

 

The pre-modern world is described as ‘pre-state, post-imperial chaos’, where the state is incapable of retaining a monopoly on the legitimate use of force, exemplified by states such as Somalia and Afghanistan.

 

Finally, the post-modern world is one in which the classical state system is again collapsing, but this time into greater order. There is no emphasis on a balance-of-power, sovereignty, or a separation of the domestic and the international, all the traits of the conventional system. Instead, there is ‘mutual interference’ in states’ affairs, a dissolution of borders, and security based on transparency, interdependence and a rejection of force.

 

For Mr Cooper, the EU is the one clear example of the post-modern, and can be contrasted against the continuing dominance of geopolitics throughout much of the rest of the world. The suggestion is that the EU is not simply a different political system, but one which has surpassed anything to be found elsewhere.

 

So why is it, I ask Mr Cooper, that perceptions of the EU often fail to recognise the achievements of this unprecedented political structure? When it comes to popularity among its people, Mr Cooper answers, the EU has a deep structural problem which can’t really be avoided. All governments are unpopular: they spend much of their time telling people to do things they don’t want to, such as paying tax. But national governments have the benefit of direct communication with their citizens. They are held accountable and can be removed in elections.

 

The European Union, he notes, doesn’t have this advantage. It is always vulnerable to governments taking the credit when things happen which citizens like and allowing Europe to take the blame when they don’t. As a result, Europe never gets properly explained to its citizens.

 

The amazing thing, continues Mr Cooper, is that people haven’t understood that this is the greatest political miracle, almost since time began. The continent has a history of almost a thousand years of war and little else. In the eighteenth century there was only one year when there was not a major war going on.

 

The fact we no longer fight each other would be a matter of great astonishment to any previous century. This hasn’t come about by accident. Peace is not natural; the natural condition of mankind is war. War is prevented by institutions and by building confidence.

 

A further miracle, he continues, is that across Central Europe we have just had revolutions which ended in stable and democratic governments. And to this one can add the freedom of travel across the continent, and the absence of needing to change currency in most member states. We are all richer than we’ve ever been before: the City of London is a gigantic success story because it’s a European financial centre. Without the single market this wouldn’t be the case. These things have changed our lives completely.

 

It is energising to hear this experienced and respected diplomat speak so enthusiastically about the European Union. I ask him about the lack of ‘European-ness’ supposedly felt by many of the Union’s citizens, and the criticism that people are governed by a body they feel little connection with. Is this a problem? In the real world, answers Mr Cooper, it isn’t in fact much of a problem.

 

First of all, everything that happens in Brussels can be debated at the level of national governments. Most of the time, he continues, people don’t bother to debate the things that happen in Brussels because it’s rather technical stuff about agricultural standards or food safety or the environment. But if a country wants to manage things like the environment it’s no use it having perfect environmental legislation; it has to do it along with its neighbours.

 

This is a big problem, continues Mr Cooper. Politics is local, economics is global, and other subjects like environment and security are often regional. If we lived in an isolated world in which everything happened at the level of the nation state, then the world would be a much, much poorer and less well organised place.

 

Mr Cooper argues that there is only one solution, and that is for intensive cooperation between governments. Governments have to be elected, but we’ve understood for a long time that it’s not enough to be democratic. You have to have liberal democracy because democracy on its own can be dangerous. And now we need to understand that it’s not enough just to have liberal democracy, you need to have liberal international democracy.

 

The picture painted by Mr Cooper is one of a political body which has surpassed anything seen previously, and is consequently better-suited to tackle today’s political challenges than anywhere else in the world. A limited appreciation of this on the part of the European people may not matter too much right now. But the EU seems set to continue to expand, giving rise to an increasingly intricate set of institutional arrangements and political challenges as it does so. If Mr Cooper’s persuasive argument is endure this change, I wonder whether this EU ‘rationale’ will in future need to be communicated more compellingly to the expanding European population.

 

Interview conducted in November 2007

 
Jacob Halpin is Director of Global Politics Magazine. He is currently working at the British Home Office.