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Malaysian Foreign Policy in the post 9/11 era: Moderate Islam as a base with pragmatism

 

Malaysia has always placed Islam at the centre of its foreign policy. In the post September 11 era, its foreign policy focus continued with this line, and was neither pro- nor-anti American. This article examines the fine line it took.

 

By Jiesheng Li

 


 

Malaysia is far from a Muslim country. [1] It is a multi-racial and -religious society. 60pc of the population is Muslim or Malay indigenous tribes, while Chinese and Indians make up another 30pc. [2] Yet Islam has been at the forefront of Malaysian foreign policy since the 1960s, where in the early days after independence it was used to foster Malaysian Identity and countering the threat of Communism. [3]

 

Even after 9/11, where the Muslim world was viewed from a different light, Islamic matters were still much of a major concern in Malaysia. They approached matters such as Islamic terrorism and extremism with a practical stance while keeping Islamic ideas in mind.    

 

Malaysian reaction to the Global War on Terror

 

In the early aftermath of the September 11 attacks, Malaysia seemed to be toeing the US line. In the UN General Assembly session of 2 October 2001, Malaysia stated that it “condemn[ed] terrorism in all its forms and manifestations.” [4] It also ratified the International Convention for the Suppression of Terrorist Bombings. [5]

 

However, it was pursuing its own security rather than being an unquestioning US ally. Internally and externally, it faced the threat of radical groups such as the Kumpulan Militan Malaysia (KMM), which desired to overthrow the government and create an Islamic state. [6]

 

Others radicals like ex-army Captain Yazid Sufaat and Colonel Abdul Manaf Kasmuri were arrested to prevent terrorist attacks and the igniting of racial tensions. [7] Such actions would be mirrored in neighbouring ASEAN countries, all to curb the threat of Islamic fundamentalism.

 

Another area in which Malaysia seemed to be supporting the ‘war against terror’ was the joint decision with Singapore and Indonesia to increase patrolling of the Malacca Straits. [8] A closer look showed that Malaysia opposed the inclusion of US forces as then proposed by Admiral Fargo and Singapore initially. [9]

 

The Islamic factor can be seen here as the entry of western forces would infuriate radical Muslims and the dominant Muslim population in the region. Malaysia understood this not just for the issue of sovereignty but also because of the expected Muslim reaction, especially after the attacks on Afghanistan and Iraq, which the US did not deeply identify. [10]

 

Malaysia also strongly condemned the neo-conservative ideology of “regime change”, seeing the Iraq invasion (and to a lesser extent Afghanistan) as an encroachment on Muslim sovereignty and identity. [11] Malaysia’s view, however harsh, was based on pragmatism. To support the US overly strongly was to invite more radical Islamic groups; at the same time, international events pulled the foreign policy another way.

 

The reality: Islamic threats and the foreign policy focus

 

As noted earlier, Islamic extremists were a major concern to Malaysian government, even before September 11. Regionally, Malaysia was a concern with ethnic strife between the Thai government and the Muslims in Southern Thailand. [12]

 

While the conflict was largely a local nationalist-like one, Malaysia was concerned with groups like the Gerakan Mujahideen Islam Pattani. GMIP is linked to the KMM and another Malaysian political party, Parti Islam Se Malaysia (PAS), which would increase the spread of Islamic extremism through the country. [13]

 

At the same time, Malaysia was concerned with the treatment of Thai Muslims by the Thai army. In 2004, Malaysia launched the Joint Development Strategy, providing economic aid to the Muslims, thus reflecting concern for fellow Muslims. [14] Simultaneously, this plan and others hoped to stabilise the situation and prevent growth of Islamic fundamentalism.

 

Watching the Philippines

 

A second country that Malaysian foreign policy was focused on was the Philippines, where again conflict was between Muslims and the government. Just like in Thailand, Malaysia was concerned with Muslims who had been oppressed by government policies since World War Two. [15]

 

An even greater concern was the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and the Abu Sayyaf Group, which, like the KMM, plans for a greater Islamic state in South East Asia. [16] Malaysia has responded by acting as the mediator between the Philippine government and the MILF, again aiming not to support the ‘war on terror’, but to aid fellow Muslims and push the threat of Islamic fundamentalism way from its borders.

 

Malaysia continued to increase its anti-terrorism efforts with the detention of suspect B.S.A. Tahir and the creation of the South East Asia Regional Centre for Counter-Terrorism in 2003. [17] Its efforts in the Philippines and counter-terrorism were thus praised by then US Assistant Secretary of State James Kelly. [18]

 

However, it should be noted that Malaysia was combating Islamic terrorism from a different perspective, by addressing its own concerns and that of Muslim world. This would also be seen in its relations with the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC) and other Muslim countries.     

 

Malaysia, the OIC and other Muslim countries

 

Malaysia was a founding member of the OIC and held the Chair for three years from 2003. [19] During this period, Malaysia attempted to improve the image of the Muslim world, especially given the negative perceptions after September 11.

 

On the educational front, Malaysia has continued to support the private institution The International Islamic University of Malaysia which aims to promote “the University as a centre of higher education which provides integrated and comprehensive education for the Muslim Ummah.” [20]

 

Far from being a school like a Madrasah, this institute was created to bolster the level of education through out the Muslim world. Malaysia’s commitment to fostering Islamic unity worldwide came through the formation of the International Institute of Muslim Unity within the University. [21] This was furthered by Malaysia’s commitment in hosting an OIC anti-corruption summit in 2006 and proposing the creation of an OIC Tourism and Cultural Centre.

 

Malaysia the moderator

 

Malaysia’s actions were to change the international perception of Muslims worldwide and indirectly help to steer Muslims away from joining extremists or terrorist groups. Prime Minister Abdullah Bandai once noted that “the OIC must also address, in a concerted manner, the increasing prejudice against Muslims world-wide and the growing schism between the Muslim and the western world”. [22] Malaysia’s efforts in the post September 11 era were to mend the rift between these two groups so as to prevent further fuel for terrorist groups.

 

Ties between Malaysia and other Muslim states remain strong due to the common flag of Islam. Just like its efforts within the OIC, Malaysia has helped other countries economically, such as Yemen by improving its vocational institutions. [23]

 

On the political front, it has stood with many other Muslim countries by recognising the Palestinian Authority in 1981 and hosting a UN-sponsored Conference on Palestine in 1983. [24] In 2005, Prime Minister Badawi called for an increase in aid to Palestine, but later stated that the aid was for the Palestinian people and not the Hamas group. [25]

 

This again shows Malaysia’s concern for other Islamic populations and its stance against the support and growth of Islamic militancy. Malaysian foreign policy with regards to terrorism was looking at the problem at another, deeper level: at the “root”, as former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad placed it, unlike the actions of the Bush Administration, and to a lesser extent, other western nations.[26]

 

However, has there been any change in the policy with his successor? It is to this we now turn.

 

From Mahathir to Badawi: Islam in Malaysia’s foreign policy

 

The two Malaysian leaders in the aftermath of September 11 attacks were Tun Dr. Mahathir bin Mohamad and Dato’ Seri Abdullah bin Ahmad Badawi. Mahathir had long entrenched Islam in the country’s foreign policy, having played an active role in the resolution to the Iran-Iraq war and sanctioning a “Palestine Week” in 1987. [27]

 

He is also more in line with an anti-western stance as indicated in his policies and speeches. He directly noted that that terrorism was an “[act] of violence consciously committed against civilians by any actor, including states”, branding Israel as one such actor and thus causing opposition from the US. [28] In a more vehement tone, he criticised the US invasion of Iraq and called British pilots “murderers”, causing a British envoy to walk out. [29]

 

Even with his fiery tone, Mahathir recognised one of the key factors in addressing the threat of Al-Qaeda lay in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian issue, which contributes to the “bitterness and anger” which Al-Qaeda exploits.[30] It was also his administration that made the efforts to strengthen the Muslim World and root out Islamic extremism. Mahathir had thus set the base of a realistic Islamic-oriented foreign policy.

 

New style, same substance

 

His successor’s character is vastly different. Abdullah Badawi is a graduate of Islamic studies and considered to be a moderate by many. [31] With regards to foreign relations, he has not mentioned or shown any anti-western policies.  On the contrary, he has forged closer links with the US and once promised to send a team to help rebuild Iraq, a decision never made by his predecessor. [32]

 

Yet their differing styles and character showed little change in their foreign policy. Badawi continued to follow the same line as Mahathir. As Baker noted, there is the continued criticism and cooperation between Malaysia and the US, except without the edge that was evident during Mahathir’s watch. [33]

 

While expressing stronger relations with major players like the US, Badawi has continued an independent Malaysian foreign policy and has even frequently called the US to listen to Malaysia, the OIC, and the Non-Aligned Movement on Iraq and Palestine. [34] As Badawi remarked, “There is a difference in the way that Dr. Mahathir and I say something…but the substance is the same.., such as [on] Iraq and Palestine”. [35]

 

Badawi has in fact set the idea of Islam Hadhari, or “Civilizational Islam” for Malaysia and the wider Muslim world, which encompasses eight major tenets that propose the fundamentals of Islamic faith. [36] Yet it is a modern progressive idea that emphasises “the importance of progress —with an Islamic perspective — in the economic, social, and political fields”, especially including points such as diversity and tolerance. [37]

 

Having proposed the idea internationally, Islam Hadhari can be said to be another effort to steer the Muslim mindset back on track. The concept, just like Malaysia’s anti-terror efforts, was praised by US Under-Secretary of State Karen Hughes as an example for other Muslim nations to follow. [38]

 

Islam Hadhari however is considered to be highly political and polarised, and has been said to be less influential in other Muslim countries and communities. [39] More importantly, it is an effort to curb the external influence of Islamic extremists and the support of parties such as KMM and PAS. [40] Malaysian foreign policy, whether under Mahathir or Badawi, would always continue to be Islam oriented, not espousing conservative views, but having a moderate and realistic base.

 

Turning back the tide of extremism

 

Malaysia in the post September 11 era was hardly totally pro- or anti-American. Malaysia was fighting terrorism, not to gain any favour, but to turn back a wave of Islamic extremism. As it took anti-terrorist measures regionally and internationally, its foreign policy was pragmatic, taking into account the mindsets of Muslims.

 

It also sought to improve Muslims and the image of Muslims, not by promoting conservative ideologies, but progressive and beneficial means, indirectly pushing back the tide of Islamic extremism. Malaysian foreign policy will definitely continue to place Islam as a forefront of its foreign policy, and should continue to take a moderate stance.                 

 

 


 

References

 

[1] See Nesadurai, Helen E.S., Malaysia and the United States Rejecting Dominance, Embracing Engagement, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, December 2004, pp 6-7

[2] See Section on Ethic Groups, the World Factbook, Central Intelligence Agency, 16 August 2007
https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/my.html#People
[accessed 04 September 2007]

[3] Liow, Joseph, Personality, Exigencies and Contingencies: Determinants of Malaysia’s Foreign Policy in the Mahathir Administration in Ho, Kai Leong (et al) Mahathir's Administration: Performance and Crisis in Governance, Times Academic Press, Singapore (Mar 2002), pp 123-124.

[4] United Nations General Assembly Fifty Sixth Session, 14th Plenary Meeting, Measures to eliminate International Terrorism, October 2001, http://www.un.org/spanish/

aboutun/organs/ga/56/verbatim/a56pv14.pdf.
[accessed 15 July 2007]

[5] Patterns of Global Terrorism, East Asia overview, Office of the Coordinator for Counterterrorism, United States State Department, 30 April 2003
http://www.state.gov/s/ct/rls/crt/2002/html/19983.htm
[accessed 15 July 2007]

[6] Mak, JN, Malaysian Defence and Security Cooperation: Coming out in Out of the Closet in See Seng Tan and Amitav Acharya (eds), Asia-Pacific Security Cooperation, National Interests and Regional Order, 2004, New York and London, ME. Sharpe, pp 127-153

[7] Abuza, Zacary, Funding Terrorism in Southeast Asia: The Financial Network of Al Qaeda and Jemaah Islamiyah, NBR analysis, Volume 4, number 5, December 2003
http://www.nbr.org/publications/analysis/pdf/vol14no5.pdf
[accessed 15 July 2007]

[8] See Maritime Security in the Malacca Straits,

 http://www.mindef.gov.sg/imindef/news_and_events/nr/2004/apr/30apr04_nr.html
See also Launch of Eyes in the Sky (EiS) Initiative

 http://www.mindef.gov.sg/imindef/news_and_events/nr/2005/sep/13sep05_nr.html,
Singapore Ministry of Defence
[accessed 15 July 2007]

[9] Fargo, Thomas, Admiral, Testimony before the House Armed Services Committee, 31 March 2004 http://www.pacom.mil/speeches/sst2004/040331housearmedsvcscomm.shtml
See also Nesadurai, 2004, op cit, p. 19

[10] Ross, Marc Howard, The Political Psychology of Competing Narratives: September 11 and Beyond, Social Science Research Council/ After Sept. 11
http://ssrc.org/sept11/essays/ross.htm
[accessed 18 February 2007]

[11] Nesadurai, 2004, op cit, p. 18

[12] James Wong Wing On, Malaysia’s trouble from the North, Malaysiakini.com, 5 May 2004

[13] Peter Chalk, The Indigenous Nature of the Thai Insurgency, Terrorism Monitor, Volume 4 Issue 1, 12 January 2006
http://www.jamestown.org/terrorism/news/article.php?articleid=2369865
[Accessed 15 July 2007]

See also Daniel J. Pojar, Jr., Lesson not learned: The rekindling of Thailand’s Pattani Problem, Naval Postgraduate School, March 2005

[14] Thailand, Malaysia plan action to curb unrest in border areas, Asia Economic News, August 9 2004 http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0WDP/is_2004_August_9/ai_n6269471
[Accessed 15 July 2007]

[15] Syed Serajul Islam, The Politics of Islamic Identity in Southeast Asia, Thomson Learning Asia; 1 edition, 2004, pg 32

[16] See group profile, Abu Sayyaf Group, MIPT Terrorism Knowledge base, May 17 2007
http://www.tkb.org/Group.jsp?groupID=204
[accessed 08 September 2007]

[17] Nesadurai, 2004, op cit, p. 20

[18] Syed Hamid Albar, Speech at the official launching of the Southeast Asia Regional Centre for Counter-Terrorism, Putrajaya, Malaysia, 1 July 2003 in Nesadurai, 2004, ibid

[19] Nesadurai, 2004, op cit, p. 6

[20] Vision, International Islamic University Malaysia
http://www.iium.edu.my/about/mission.shtml
[Accessed 15 July 2007]

[21] See section on Mission, International Islamic University of Malaysia
http://www.iiu.edu.my/iimu/mission.php
[Accessed 15 July 2007]

[22] Dato' Seri Abdullah Bin Haji Ahmad Badawi, Malaysian Foreign Policy In The Era Of Globalisation, Conference Of Malaysian Heads Of Mission
At The Putrajaya Convention Centre,5 July 2004
http://www.pmo.gov.my/WebNotesApp/PMMain.nsf/hv_PMKiniSemasaNew

/01DF0D8D2BBC883C48256EC80033E387
[Accessed 15 July 2007]

[23] Yemen, Malaysia hold talks on technical & vocational education, Organisation of Asia-Pacific News Agencies, 21 May 2006

[24] Liow, Joseph, 2001 in Ho, Kai Leong (et al), op cit, p. 136

[25] Abdullah Badawi, Chairman of NAM, Speech On The Occasion of the Commemoration of The International Day Of The International Day Of Solidarity With the Palestinian People, , 29 November 2005, http://www.kln.gov.my/?m_id=25&vid=98
[accessed 04 September 2007]

See also 'Aid is for Palestinian folk, not the Government', New Sunday Times, 28 May 2006

[26] See Dr Mahathir's interview in Beijing, Business Week Online, 16 November 2004.
http://www.malaysia-today.net/Blog-e/2004/11/dr-mahathirs-interview-in-beijing.htm
[accessed 04 September 2007]

[27] Liow, Joseph in Ho, Kai Leong (et al), op cit, p. 145

[28] Mahathir Mohamad, Speech to Extraordinary Session of the Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers on Terrorism, Kuala Lumpur, 1 April 2002 in Nesadurai, 2004, op cit, p. 17

[29] Nesadurai, 2004, op cit, p 18. and Envoy's anger over Iraq slur, Daily Mail, London, 10 September 2005

[30] Mahathir, 2002, op cit

[31] See Profile: Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, BBC News, 21 October 2003
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/2064535.stm
[accessed 08 September 2007]

[32] President Bush Welcomes Malaysian Prime Minister to White House, White House News
http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2004/07/20040719-10.html#
[accessed 08 September 2007]

[33] Baker, Richard W., US-Southeast Asia Relations: Pausing for Politics, Comparative Connections 6 (2), 2004 pp.67-77 in Nesadurai, 2004, op cit, p.1

[34] Dengar kata NAM, OIC (Listen to NAM, OIC), Berita Harian, 4 November 2004 in Nesadurai, op cit, p.25

[35] Padmanabhan, Mukund, Malaysia keen on projecting moderate face of Islam, The Hindu, 23 July 2004
http://www.hindu.com/2004/07/23/stories/2004072308621100.htm
[accessed 04 September 2007]

[36] Dato’ Seri Abdullah bin Ahmad Badawi, Islam Hadhari and Good governance, Victoria University, New Zealand 31 March 2005
http://www.pmo.gov.my/WebNotesApp/PMMain.nsf/

0/d33361f0890dd06548256fe700190019?OpenDocument
[accessed 08 September 2007]

[37] Mohamed Sharif Bashir, Islam Hadhari: Concept and Prospect, IslamOnline.net, 03 March 2005
http://www.islam.gov.my/islamhadhari/concept.html
[accessed 08 September 2007]

[38] Lau, Leslie, Malaysia the way to go for Iraq, says US image czar, Straits Times, 26 October 2005

[39] Gatsiounis, Ioannis, Islam Hadhari in Malaysia, Current Trends in Islamist Ideology vol.3. 16 February 2006
http://www.futureofmuslimworld.com/research/pubID.43/pub_detail.asp
[accessed 18 September 2007]

[40] ibid
 

 

 

Jiesheng Li is reading Economics and Political Science at the University of Birmingham. He has engaged in research at the S. Rajaratnam Institute of Strategic studies, focusing on the politics of Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore. While having a strong interest in Historiography and International Political Economy, he also enjoys reviewing musicals and new songs.